In recent years support for anti-capitalist rhetoric has drastically increased in popularity amongst younger generations. Some of the most popular anti-capitalist economic systems these days are Socialism and Communism. Both Socialism and Communism can be defined as collective control of the means of production. Where the two ideologies differ is their stance on money and the state. Many Socialists (with the exception being Libertarian Socialists) believe that some form of “dictator of the proletariat” and government-controlled currency is necessary to implement a Socialist utopia. Communists on the other hand claim to despise money and the state and instead propose a society that’s stateless, classless, and free of currency entirely. Despite their differences, both Socialism and Communism lead to similar outcomes. It’s either mob rule or a totalitarian dictatorship. If you want to learn more about why Socialism and Communism lead to the tyranny of the majority or tyranny of the few I recommend watching these two videos by MentisWave before continuing further:
I’m not going to focus on the tyrannical aspects of these planned economy based ideologies. A topic like that isn’t relevant to the REAL issue that these systems suffer from. If the only issue with planned economies is that they were autocratic then I wouldn’t be writing this blog post at the moment. The real issue with far-left ideologies is that they’re completely economically incoherent. A planned economy has ZERO chance of ever competing with a market economy even if the planned economy has access to advanced technology. The reason why planned economies will never replace free markets is because of a concept known as the “Economic Calculation Problem” (Also known as the ECP for short).
ECP Made Simple: The Economic Calculation Problem can be defined inability of a central planner to reallocate resources to where it’s most needed. There’s also another part to the ECP known as the Knowledge Problem (For the sake of simplicity I’m going to abbreviate the Knowledge Problem as KP for short). The difference between the KP and ECP is that the KP is based around the idea that a central planner will have a very difficult time determining where to aquire the dispersed information of people’s wants and needs while the ECP is the idea that even if the central planner had access to said information it still wouldn’t be able to plan the economy due to the lack of a competitive price mechanism. Don’t worry I’ll get back to this later. If you want to learn more about the KP and ECP I recommend watching these two video clips:
Debunking Common Anti-ECP Arguments: Many Leftists have attempted to propose solutions on how to “solve” the ECP. Examples of these supposed solutions include but are not limited to:
- “Computers/AI Will Solve The ECP”: The most common proposed solution made by Leftists is the idea that Artificial Intelligence or some sort of hyper advanced computer algorithm will somehow make market economies obsolete. This argument is terrible for multiple reasons. For one, it assumes that the utility of a good or service can be objectively caculated. It also assumes that the utility of different humans can be objectively caculated. It also makes the bold assumption that a computer or AI can somehow track the constantly changing wants and desires of human beings. No such computer or AI has ever shown anything close to achieving this level of calculation. One historical example leftist might try to use is Chile’s abandoned Project CyberSyn. Project CyberSyn was a computer model that would in theory would help Chile with it’s management of it’s state-owned enterprise. It was based on the “Viable System Model” which basically means that it used an advanced computer conceptual model that allows it to supposedly simulate and meet the demands of an ever changing environment in theory. In practice however, CyberSyn struggled to even get off the ground:
“Chile’s Project Cybersyn never had much chance to prove its worth: like Allende himself, it died when the murderous Augusto Pinochet seized power in Chile in 1973. It was probably doomed from the start. As described in Eden Medina’s book Cybernetic Revolutionaries, the sleek control room masked the fact that Allende’s government only owned four computers.”
State-Run Algorithms Should Stay In The Realm of Science Fiction by Tim Harford
As explained by Mr. Hardford, Chile’s CyberSyn project was undeveloped and likely wouldn’t have succeeded despite it’s sleek Star Trek-esque appearance. Even if such an AI algorithm did get built it would still likely fail for reasons highlighted by these video clips:
- “Large Corporations Debunk The ECP”: This is argument that’s becoming more popular by leftists who think they understand the private sector but in reality have little to no understanding of what they’re talking about. The origins of this argument come from a book called the “People’s Republic of Walmart”. People who use this argument claim that Walmart and other large enterpises often use a lot of internal economic planning in order to determine where company resources should be allocated therefore any socialist society should be able to accomplish something similar by copying Walmart, right? Wrong. The main problem with this argument is that it conflates ecnomic planning with ecnomic calculation:
“The central error of the book is that it uses two fundamentally
Planned Economy and Economic Planning: What The People’s Republic of Walmart Got Wrong about the Nature of Economic Planning by Márton Kónya page 3
different terms synonymously, economic planning and planned
economy, and views both as incompatible with the market. But one
of them is not only compatible with market economies, but is one
of their foundational tools: economic planning. In order to make a
clearer distinction between the two phrases, they need to be defined
first. Simply put, economic planning is the process by which the
various participants in the economy make calculations about the
economic steps they must take in the future. In contrast, a planned
economy is an entirely centralized system in which the allocation of
everything from raw materials to capital goods, to consumer goods is
implemented by a central authority, without the market mechanism.”
On the surface, it might seem that a planned economy and economic planning only differ in scale. In reality the distinctions between the two become more apparant when you consider factors such as competitve market prices
“In fact, all these previous failures point to the central distinction between economic planning and a planned economy: money prices. If a railway company is in the hands of a private entrepreneur, he has every incentive to choose the method of construction with the lowest monetary costs, assuming the same utility to the consumers (the total income of the project in monetary terms), in order to achieve the highest degree of profit. However, this also serves society best. What does it mean that engineering is too expensive? It means that other participants in the market (for example, farmers) are willing to pay engineers more. The reason for this is most probably that the farmers’ consumers (producers of foodstuffs) are willing to pay them more for their goods (crops). These producers of lower-order goods, in turn, are willing to pay more, because their own customers are willing to pay more for their final goods (foodstuffs). In accordance with the marginalist theory of value elaborated by the founders of the Austrian school, such as Carl Menger ([1871] 2007, 114–65), a change in consumer demand (at whichever stage of production it may occur) creates a signal for producers at higher stages that tells them which needs are to be satisfied more and which less urgently. A rise in the price of engineering means that engineering is being used in production processes that are creating goods which the consumers urgently need, and thus only producers satisfying even more urgent needs may acquire it. The price system, based on the maximization of profit and utility, seemingly coordinates economic participants without any planning. Looking at the big picture, this is certainly true. Yet planning as such not only does not disappear, but is only possible in a free market environment. The Austrian thinkers, such as Hayek (1945), were right in calling the price system a system of information sharing. The price system does nothing more than divide a kind of mental labor between several miniature “planned economies,” mental labor that could not be carried out by a single, publicly owned planned economy. Its tool for this task is money. Money provides the common denominator which the socialist thinkers were unable to invent. It is the tool which enables market participants to use accounting methods to compare the incomes and costs of their activities, and to plan their future steps accordingly (Mises 1949, 230). It is at this level that the important act of economic planning happens. Accounting is how corporations, governmental organizations, nonprofit organizations, the army, the police, the nationalized schools and hospitals, every level of human organization is able to solve its planning problems: via money prices established by the market process based on the private ownership of the means of production. This holds true, of course, only if the preconditions of the formation of a market price are satisfied. In the case of the armed forces, police, and other governmental monopolies, the consumers do not get to decide the price which they would be willing to pay for these services, and as a result prices of production factors employed in these branches (such as policemen’s and soldiers’ wages or the prices of various weaponry) can’t accurately reflect their value relative to other resources, leading to waste. (Later the reason such a monopoly (be it governmental or private) on factors of productions would impede the economic actor’s ability to determine their prices will be explored.) It is fair to say, therefore, that although governmental monopolies can calculate with money prices, their presence in the economy in fact obstructs the economic calculus (on a long-term basis, as opposed to private monopolies, whose errors in calculation are not compensated by taxation).”
Planned Economy and Economic Planning: What The People’s Republic of Walmart Got Wrong about the Nature of Economic Planning by Márton Kónya page 7-8
Basically, the quote above is trying to say that although both centrally planned government organizations and private entities engage in economic planning and the economic calculation of prices, only private entities can use said economic calculation effectively. Consumers in a society with a centralized state with a monopoly over various public services can’t choose how much they’re willing to pay for said government programs. This means whatever production prices the government ends up spending to fund their programs won’t accurately reflect their value compared to other non-government controlled resources, inevitably leading to excessive waste. This means that the public sector can’t just copy what large corporations in the private sector is doing in order to solve the ECP. A more indepth explanation for why this argument doesn’t work can be found in these two videos:
- “Market Socialism Debunks the ECP”: Some leftists may admit that a traditional socialist economy can’t solve the ECP. Despite this many leftists will still claim that other forms of socialism such as Market Socialism can solve the ECP since they allow some form of market economy to exist. Market Socialism (also known as “Free Market Anti-Capitalism”) is the idea that enterprises should be organized into horizontally structured democratically run businesses known as “Worker Cooperatives”. These businesses would compete with one another in an open market economy just like Capitalism. Unlike Capitalism, Worker Cooperatives would be the only type of business allowed due to private property being abolished. Another major difference between Capitalism and Market Socialism is the fact that Market Socialists support the Marxist Labor Theory of Value rather than the Capitalist Subjective Theory of Value. There are also different types of Market Socialism. Some Market Socialists believe in a centralized government that provides welfare services while others are Anarchists who would believe in mutual aid. These Anarchists variants are known as “Market Anarchism” or “Mutualism”. Regardless of what type of Market Anarchism we’re talking about here, it doesn’t matter in the grand scheme of things. This is because all forms of Market Socialism suffer from similar problems. First problem being the efficiency of Worker Coops (or lack thereof in this case).
The Weakness of Worker Coops: Many leftists like to claim that an collectively owned horizontally structured enterprise governed by direct democracy would be far more efficient and humane compared to it’s private sector counterparts. From their point of view direct democracy gives everyone a chance to have a say in how an enterpise or society as a whole should be run and what policies should be implemented. Doesn’t that sound nice? The problem is that the progressive defense of democracy is antithetical to human nature. For one, democracy doesn’t give everyone a voice. That only applies to the majority vote. But what if a individual disagrees with the majority and wants to determine what’s best for themselves? In a democratic society such indivuduals are disregarded by the masses at best. At worst, they’re being actively persecuted by the majority rule mob for the crime of having a dissenting opinion. This is especially the case when a democractic society has a very large population. The higher the population, the less sway your vote has. This “mob rule” outcome is even more likely to happen in a horizontally structured direct democracy that has no middle man. Atleast in a liberal democracy (both presidential and parliamentary variants) usually have some middle man like the Electoral College or some other institution to prevent the masses from having unchecked control over how society is run. This doesn’t make liberal democracy an ideal system, but it’s atleast more tolerable than other forms of democracy. In a direct democracy however the masses get the final say, making tyranny of the majority all but certain.

Even if democracy somehow gave everyone a voice it would still suffer from other problems. A common leftist critique of free market capitalism is the idea that “consumers are inheritly irrational beings”. What leftists who use this argument fail to realize is that any critique of consumers also applies to voters even more:
“Here’s the fact: People do a poor job of acquiring information and using it to make decisions in the way that the rational choice model predicts. Here’s the conclusion: This has implications for the capacity of consumers to benefit from markets, because consumers are people. But the conclusion also has to be that voters have the same problem, unless you think people are dumb in the supermarket but miraculously smart in the voting booth. It’s the same person. Why are voters even dumber than consumers? Consider this: A consumer who buys a bad television, or pays too much for a coffee-maker, or gets ripped off on an investment, is stuck with the bad TV, and loses her own money on the coffee-maker or the dumb stock buy. It happens, but you learn from your mistake (this is called “market feedback”) and make a better decision the next time around. Voters, on the other hand, have even less information, have no way of getting accurate information, and know that their choices won’t determine the outcome anyway. If I spend months learning about the candidates, and then cast my vote for president, it has absolutely zero impact on the outcome. Not small, mind you: zero.”
Every Flaw in Consumers Is Worse in Voters by Micheal Munger
Basically what Mr. Munger is saying above is that even if the idea that consumers aren’t very intelligent is true it still doesn’t change the fact that any bad financial decision done by a consumer only really harms themselves in the grand scheme of things. Meanwhile, a voter has zero incentive to care about who they’re voting for because their decision ultimately has no impact regardless of how much research they do before their decision. Even if every vote DID have a substantial impact, voters would still be far worse off than a consumer if they make a mistake. This is because any bad political decision has the potential to destroy the entire country. Meanwhile, any bad personal economic investment will only harm the investors involved. There are also other problems with Worker Cooperatives other than “democracy bad”. Market Anarchists and other leftists in general like to claim that their enterprises are horizontally structured and therefore are less likely to lead to exploitation. This isn’t true because hierarchies still form in different ways even in Coops:
“When an organization touts itself as truly egalitarian, it garners much attention from the press, which itself is a signal of its rarity. So, some companies, such as IDEO and Gore Inc., promote their egalitarian ways as do other types of organizations, such as the chamber orchestra Orpheus, whose primary claim to fame is that it functions without a conductor (Seifter, Economy, & Hackman, 2001). However, closer investagations of these organizations show that, though they have ridden themselves of some of the usual trappings of hierarchy, many hierarchical patterns remain. For example, the product design firm IDEO looks egalitarian from the perspective of formal positions. There are more than 150 employees, and almost everyone carries the formal title of “engineer”. Yet, firsthand observations of brainstorming sessions reveal that the engineers compete for respect and status at face-to-face meetings (Sutton & Hargadon, 1996). Engineers acquire status based on their respective abilities to come up with “cool” ideas at the brainstorming sessions. Status is doled out in the form of compliments (“neat” “wow” or “cool”), by pursuit of one person’s idea by others, and by invitations to further brainstorming meetings. The brainstorming sessions are perceived as a chance for engineers to “strut their stuff” and when invitations to attend are not forthcoming, engineers often see this as a sign that they should leave the organization. Engineers who acquire these status markers also get paid more than those who do not. Thus, although it might look egalitarian on the surface, IDEO is hierarchical: “equal” members do not have equal influence, equal levels of respect from their colleagues, or equal access to resources. Similarly, although the chamber orchestra Orpheus does not have a conductor and began with very few hierarchical levels for an orchestra, a different member is now appointed the “concert master” for each piece of music (Seifter, Economy, & Hackman, 2001). The founder and president has full control over the nature of the program, including what set of pieces are played and what the program looks like, and there is a “core groups” comprised of the “principal”(i.e., highest ranked) string and woodwind players which makes a number of key group decisions. Orpheus is not alone in the drift it has experienced in becoming more hierarchical over time. Newly formed Silicon Valley companies also tend to become more hierarchical over time (Baron & Hannan, 2002). Those who do not evolve toward hierarchy are less likely to survive.”
Organizational Preferences and Their Consequences by Deborah H. Gruenfeld and Larissa Z. Tiedens pages 12-13
As shown by Deborah and Larissa in the quote above, even the most egalitarian enterprises become more hierarchical over time because it increases the chances of the firm’s survival and keeps employees more organized. You know what? Let’s give these “Market Socialists” the benefit of the doubt. Let’s assume all egalitarian enterprises are anti-hierarchal just like how they advertise themselves to the general public. Even if this was the case, it still wouldn’t make horizontally structured firms more efficient or less exploitative than their hierarchical private sector alternatives. For example, there’s a study that shows that Worker Coops are more likely to grow slower and provide fewer jobs than traditional private firms. Wages in Worker’s Coops are also 14% lower on average compared to privately owned companies. This study is ironic because leftists often claim that Capitalists are far more likely to underpay their workers than egalitarian enterprises. High-skilled workers are also more likely to leave such Cooperatives because they see them as a hindrance rather than a benefit. Worker Coops with a large number of employees have lower worker satisfaction than smaller Cooperatives. This debunks the myth that Worker Cooperatives would be better for workers on a large scale. In reality, Worker Coops provide more satisfaction for their employees on a smaller scale. There’s also another study that proves that Coops are no more productive than their private sector counterparts. There’s also an additional study that suggests that workers in employee-owned businesses often abandon Worker Cooperative principles over time. Worker Coops are also highly ineffective at reducing unemployment. These studies show that Worker Coops are less effective at helping the worker class and preventing exploitation than private firms. Don’t get the wrong idea though. I’m not against the idea of Worker Coops being allowed to exist as long as they’re voluntary. The beauty of Capitalism is you have the choice between both types of firms as a worker. Under Market Socialism, on the other hand, you’re stuck with the objectively inferior option. Despite all of this, I’m going to give “Market Socialists” the benefit of the doubt one more time for the sake of an argument. Let’s assume that Leftists are 100% right about Worker Coops being less exploitative than private firms despite all the evidence I provided. Does this make “Market Socialism” a superior system to Capitalism? Even under these hypothetical conditions, the answer is a resounding no. This is because of a concept known as the Property Problem.
The Property Problem Explained: The Property Problem is the idea that without private ownership of the means of production, an entrepreneur is limited in how they can use their resources to their best capabilities. In other words, under Market Socialism there’s no real competition because an centralized regulatory agency always has the final say in what economic plans get implemented. The economist Mateusz Machaj elaborates on this in greater detail:
“The problem of arithmetic is absent in market socialism, so Mises was incorrect, but his critique grows very strong, when it comes to managers’ decisions. The planner sets the level of prices in the socialist economy and decides about the range of planning, but some of the decisions must be transferred into the hands of managers, who act in a similar fashion as the entrepreneurs do in the capitalist system. Lange argued that they could engage in the production process in exactly the same way as entrepreneurs do in the private property system. Their demand will depend on the final consumer demand and their choices will influence the volume of spending on particular factors of production. Cost accounting will easily develop; shortages and surpluses will indicate the correct direction in which centrally administered prices should change. In order to fully grasp the Misesian analysis of the managerial model, it might be helpful to note the essential difference between Mises and Kirzner on this point. Kirzner’s thesis is that the manager can be an entrepreneur. Not only that, but also the question of whether or not this is the case cannot be “decided by a priori reasoning” (Kirzner 1978, p. 72). It seems to be the natural consequence of Kirzner’s statement that the entrepreneur does not need to own any resources. Mises’s idea however openly rejects the thesis that entrepreneurship is possible without resources: The managerial function is always subservient to the entrepreneurial function. It can relieve the entrepreneur of a part of his minor duties; it can never evolve into a substitute for entrepreneurship. This fallacy to the contrary is due to the error confusing the category of entrepreneurship as it is defined in the imaginary construction of functional distribution with conditions in a living and operating market economy. The function of the entrepreneur cannot be separated from the direction of the employment of factors of production for the accomplishment of definite tasks. The entrepreneur controls the factors of production; it is this control that brings him either entrepreneurial profit or loss. (Mises 1966 p. 306; emphasis added)This brilliant insight contradicts Kirzner’s statement that ownership can be separated from entrepreneurial activity. As Mises emphasized, capitalism is an entrepreneurial system—a system based on private property. What defines the entrepreneur is the control of scarce resources in an uncertain world, not “alertness,” but control and ownership. The entrepreneur is not “alert,” he’s “in control.” Alertness is possible under any system, including full socialism, and the analysis in this case can be based on empirical observations, not apriorism. It is entirely different from the problem of controlling the resources; under socialism the control lies in the hands of one agency, and no one else is permitted to act freely within that system. This fact can be recognized by a priori reasoning. In the Misesian framework entrepreneurship is necessarily abolished in the socialist system, but in the Kirznerian framework “entrepreneurship” might function under socialism. Mises criticized the idea of substituting entrepreneurship (private property control) for public management on the grounds that managers can only act within the limits set by the final decision maker. In the capitalist society, managers are bound by the shareholders and the capital owners, who do have the tools to allow them to decide ultimately what happens with the resources. In the case of the socialist economy there is only one ultimate decision maker: a central agency formulating the plan. In other words, managers cannot “play” competition, since in order to act like real entrepreneurs they would have to be fully sovereign in their decisions just as the private property owners are. But they are not, because any “competing” manager is equipped with resources and instructed by the same single owner. As Mises notes: The entrepreneurs and capitalists establish corporations and other firms, enlarge or reduce their size, dissolve them or merge them with other enterprises; they buy and sell the shares and bonds of already existing and of new corporations; they grant, withdraw, and recover credits; in short they perform all those acts the totality of which is called the capital and money market. It is these financial transactions of promoters and speculators that direct production into those channels in which it satisfies the most urgent wants of the consumers in the best possible way. These transactions constitute the market as such. If one eliminates them, one does not preserve any part of the market. What remains is a fragment that cannot exist alone and cannot function as a market. (Mises 1966, p. 708) The entrepreneur must be in full control of the resources he directs. This control allows him to engage in competition with other owners, and this control brings him profits or losses. Capitalists decide what to do with a particular factory—e.g., they can at any time open a pharmacy, dance club, or hospital. They can choose among many different factors of production and the decision about the destination of the resources controlled by them lies in their hands. In the socialist economy it is necessarily absent, since, as we have indicated, socialism is a compulsory creation with one owner deciding about all the resources. Managers are not the ultimate decision makers, and the breadth of their decision-making is a product of one socialist plan imposed by a central agency. It is an illusion and an open contradiction to call that situation competition, since the ”competitive” conditions are a by product of one will acting.”
Market Socialism and the Property Problem: Different Perspective of the Socialist Calculation Debate by Mateusz Machaj pages 5-7
As stated in the quote above. The so-called free market competition under “Market” Socialism is nothing more than an illusion since the decisions of managers are confined within a single socialist plan predetermined by one monopolistic regulatory agency. Even under Market Anarchism a similar problem occurs (albeit to a much lesser extent) even though there’s no state planning the economy. This is because under Market Anarchism, no such private ownership of the means of production seen under Capitalism would be premitted. This prevents entrepreneurs from making economic descisions such as such as estalblishing new firms, growing or shrinking the size of a paticular firm, merging or dissolving firms or any other financial descision without the approval of the majority vote. This results in Market Socialist firms to be more bureaucratic and less efficient because their economic decisisons are being constrained by an majority vote under direct democracy or a dictatorial government agency thus giving Capitalism the ultimate advantage in regards to resource allocation and decision making. In other words, under free market Capitalism entrpreneuers can do far more with their capitol much faster because of their sovereign control over their property which allows them react and coordinate quickly and more effectively to ever changing economic variables and conditions.
In conclusion, no Socialist economic system will ever come close to solving the Economic Calculation Problem, Knowledge Problem, or Property Problem all at once. Capitalism is just more effective at making economic decisions because of its competitive pricing mechanisms and strong private property rights. There are many other arguments against the ECP but I won’t be addressing them here since I’ve already addressed all the major ones here. Perhaps I will consider making a Part 2 sometime later down the line once I have the time for it. For now, I plan on leaving this topic aside for the time being in favor of other political and economic subject matter that interests me personally.














